Argument
Talmud Attests the Temple Signs Ceased Argument
Yoma 39b Argument, Scarlet Thread Argument, Temple Signs Argument, Forty Years Before the Destruction ArgumentIntro
There is a passage in the Talmud that most Christians have never heard of and most Jews have read without connecting it to anything.
The Day of Atonement had signs attached to it. A crimson strap of wool was tied, and according to the tradition it turned white when Israel's sins were forgiven, an echo of Isaiah 1:18: "though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow." Two lots were drawn for the two goats, and the lot marked "For the LORD" coming up in the high priest's right hand was regarded as favorable. A lamp on the menorah, the westernmost light, was supposed to burn continuously. And the heavy doors of the sanctuary stayed shut until opened.
b. Yoma 39b: "Our Rabbis taught: During the last forty years before the destruction of the Temple the lot ['For the LORD'] did not come up in the right hand; nor did the crimson-coloured strap become white; nor did the westernmost light shine; and the doors of the Hekal would open by themselves."
The Temple was destroyed in AD 70. Forty years before that is around AD 30.
The same corpus reports something else in the same window. b. Sanhedrin 41a: "Forty years before the destruction of the Temple, the Sanhedrin was exiled" from the Chamber of Hewn Stone, and the Jerusalem Talmud states the consequence directly: capital cases were taken away from Israel. That is precisely the situation John's Gospel describes when the Jewish leaders tell Pilate, "It is not lawful for us to put any man to death."
The rabbis who recorded these things offered no explanation for them. They were not making a Christian argument, and they had every reason not to.
That is what makes the passage worth knowing.
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Cheatsheet
The 30-second reply:
Yoma 39b says that for the last forty years before the Temple was destroyed, four things went wrong every year: the lot for the LORD stopped coming up in the right hand, the crimson strap stopped turning white, the westernmost lamp stopped staying lit, and the sanctuary doors opened by themselves. Forty years before AD 70 is about AD 30. Sanhedrin 41a says that in the same window the Sanhedrin lost its seat and, in the Jerusalem Talmud's version, capital jurisdiction was taken from Israel, which is exactly the situation John 18:31 describes. The rabbis record all of this without any explanation and with no Christian motive whatsoever. I am not going to tell you what it proves. I am asking whether you have read it.
The 5 fast facts:
- The four signs are enumerated at b. Yoma 39b and the passage is baraita material, presented as tannaitic tradition.
- The crimson strap ritual is in the Mishnah. m. Yoma 6:8, with the whitening discussed at b. Yoma 67a; the imagery derives from Isaiah 1:18.
- The parallel is in the Jerusalem Talmud. y. Yoma 6:3 (43c) reports the same failure, with a somewhat different framing.
- Capital jurisdiction ended in the same window. b. Sanhedrin 41a on the Sanhedrin's removal from the Chamber of Hewn Stone; y. Sanhedrin 1:1 and 7:2 on capital cases being taken away forty years before the destruction.
- Josephus records portents independently. Jewish War 6.5.3 describes the eastern gate of the inner court opening of its own accord at the sixth hour of the night, requiring twenty men to close, and a voice in the sanctuary saying "Let us remove hence."
The 3 strongest counter-moves:
- "Have you read Yoma 39b?" Ask. Then let them read it. The passage is far more powerful in their voice than in yours.
- "When did the Sanhedrin lose the power to execute?" The convergence with John 18:31 is what makes the chronological point more than a coincidence of one text.
- "What reason do the rabbis give for the signs failing?" None. That absence is the interesting part.
Concessions to make freely:
- Forty is a schematic number in Jewish literature. Forty years in the wilderness, forty days of rain, forty days on Sinai. The figure may be a round approximation rather than a count, and an argument that requires precision to the year is overbuilt.
- The Talmud gives no explanation and draws no conclusion. It reports. Supplying the conclusion is the Christian's move, and it should be labeled as such.
- The Sanhedrin dating is debated. Scholars differ on when and in what sense capital jurisdiction was removed, and the rabbinic and Roman evidence is not easy to harmonize.
- The redaction is late. The Babylonian Talmud reached its form centuries after the events, and the baraita's antiquity is asserted by the corpus rather than independently verified.
- Josephus's portents are not the same events. He places his gate portent close to the war and describes a different gate. The parallel is suggestive, not identical.
- The crimson-strap tradition is itself a rabbinic elaboration. The Torah's Yom Kippur legislation in Leviticus 16 says nothing about a strap turning white. The whitening is a tradition, not a biblical rite.
What NOT to defend:
- Never present this as God rejecting the Jewish people. Delivered that way it is repulsive, it will end the conversation, and it deserves to. AD 70 functions here as a date, not a verdict. See Israel and the Church.
- Do not claim the Talmud is confessing anything. It is not.
- Do not build a precise chronology on the number forty.
- Do not use the passage in a first conversation. It requires trust that has to be earned first.
- Do not pair it with any observation about Jewish suffering. Ever.
The closing line:
"I want to be careful with this, because it can be said in a way I would find disgusting, and I am not going to say it that way. I am not telling you God abandoned anyone. What I am telling you is that your own sages recorded that something changed in the Holy of Holies for the last forty years, and they wrote it down without knowing why, and the window they describe contains the years this man was in Jerusalem. I do not know what you will make of it. I know I could not stop thinking about it once I had read it."
In full
Thesis: The rabbinic sources record that four ritual signs associated with the Day of Atonement failed continuously for the last forty years of the Second Temple, and that capital jurisdiction was removed from the Jewish court in the same window. Both reports are hostile-source testimony, both converge on approximately AD 30, and both correspond to Christian claims about that period. The convergence is evidence, not proof, and it is offered as such.
The argument's value is unusual. It is not exegetical, so it cannot be answered by a translation dispute. It is not New Testament testimony, so it cannot be answered by rejecting the Gospels. It comes from a corpus the Jewish interlocutor accepts and the Christian does not, recorded by people with no reason to help the Christian case.
Its danger is equally unusual, and the tactical notes on this page are not optional. Presented as a claim that God abandoned the Jewish people, it is an obscenity, and it has been used that way. The entire argument depends on refusing that framing.
The case rests on four elements.
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The four failed signs. The passage at b. Yoma 39b reads, in the standard translation: "Our Rabbis taught: During the last forty years before the destruction of the Temple the lot ['For the LORD'] did not come up in the right hand; nor did the crimson-coloured strap become white; nor did the westernmost light shine; and the doors of the Hekal would open by themselves, until R. Yohanan b. Zakkai rebuked them, saying: Hekal, Hekal, why wilt thou be the alarmer thyself?"
Each element has a background:
- The lot. Leviticus 16:8 has the high priest cast lots over the two goats. The tradition regarded the lot marked "For the LORD" coming up in the right hand as favorable, and m. Yoma 4:1 preserves the practice around it.
- The crimson strap. m. Yoma 6:8 describes a strip of crimson wool tied in connection with the scapegoat rite, and the tradition held that it turned white when atonement was accepted, an image drawn from Isaiah 1:18: "though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow." b. Yoma 67a discusses it further.
- The westernmost lamp. The ner ma'aravi of the menorah was to burn continuously, and its continual burning was regarded as a sign of the divine presence.
- The doors. The heavy sanctuary doors opening by themselves is presented as an ominous portent, and Yochanan ben Zakkai's rebuke in the passage interprets it as the sanctuary announcing its own destruction.
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The parallel in the Jerusalem Talmud. y. Yoma 6:3 (43c) reports the failure of the crimson strap to whiten, with its own framing. The tradition therefore appears in both Talmudic corpora rather than in one late source.
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The removal of capital jurisdiction in the same window. b. Sanhedrin 41a: "Forty years before the destruction of the Temple, the Sanhedrin was exiled [from the Chamber of Hewn Stone] and sat in the trading station." b. Rosh Hashanah 31b lists the successive removals of the Sanhedrin. y. Sanhedrin 1:1 (18a) and 7:2 (24b) state that capital cases were taken away from Israel forty years before the destruction. Since the Sanhedrin's authority to try capital cases was tied to its sitting in the Chamber of Hewn Stone in the Temple, the removal ended that jurisdiction. This corresponds directly to John 18:31, where the Jewish leaders tell Pilate, "It is not lawful for us to put any man to death," a statement whose accuracy has been disputed by critics and which the rabbinic sources independently support.
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Independent non-Jewish and non-Christian corroboration of portents. Josephus, Jewish War 6.5.3 (§§288-309), catalogues signs before the war: a star resembling a sword over the city, a light shining around the altar at the ninth hour of the night, a cow giving birth to a lamb in the Temple court, and "the eastern gate of the inner court of the Temple, which was of brass and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men... was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night," together with a voice heard in the sanctuary saying "Let us remove hence." Tacitus, Histories 5.13, reports similar prodigies, including armies seen in the sky and a voice greater than human crying that the gods were departing. Neither writer is a Christian, and neither is dependent on the rabbis.
The bounded inference. What the sources establish is that Jewish tradition records a sustained ritual anomaly in the Temple beginning approximately four decades before its destruction, together with the loss of capital jurisdiction in the same period, and that non-Jewish sources independently report portents. The window contains the ministry and execution of Jesus of Nazareth. The Christian claim is that these are related. The argument does not demonstrate the relation; it observes a convergence and asks what accounts for it.
Argument structure
| Premise | Notes | |
|---|---|---|
| P1 | b. Yoma 39b records four Yom Kippur signs failing for the last forty years of the Temple. The lot for the LORD not coming up in the right hand, the crimson strap not whitening, the westernmost lamp not burning, and the sanctuary doors opening by themselves. Presented as tannaitic tradition, with Yochanan ben Zakkai's rebuke attached. | Primary source |
| P2 | The tradition appears in both Talmudic corpora. y. Yoma 6:3 (43c) reports the crimson strap's failure independently of the Babylonian version. | Corroboration within the tradition |
| P3 | Capital jurisdiction was removed in the same window. b. Sanhedrin 41a (the Sanhedrin exiled from the Chamber of Hewn Stone forty years before the destruction); b. Rosh Hashanah 31b (the successive removals); y. Sanhedrin 1:1 and 7:2 (capital cases taken away). This corresponds to John 18:31. | Independent chronological convergence |
| P4 | Non-Jewish sources report portents before the destruction. Josephus, Jewish War 6.5.3, including the brazen gate opening by itself and the voice in the sanctuary; Tacitus, Histories 5.13. | External corroboration of the phenomenon type |
| P5 | The forty-year window contains the ministry and execution of Jesus. AD 70 minus forty is approximately AD 30. | Chronological observation |
| C | Jewish tradition independently records a sustained change in the Temple's Yom Kippur ritual and the loss of Jewish capital jurisdiction beginning around AD 30. The argument does not claim this proves anything, does not treat AD 70 as divine judgment, and concedes that forty may be schematic, that the redaction is late, and that the rabbis offer no explanation. It observes a convergence from a hostile source and asks what accounts for it. |
Master objections to the whole argument
MO1: "Forty is a stock number in Jewish literature. Forty years in the wilderness, forty days of rain, forty days on Sinai. It means 'a long time,' and you are building a chronology on an idiom."
- Three responses. (a) Conceded, and it is the best objection to the argument. Forty is schematic in Jewish usage and the passage should not be read as a precise count. (b) The argument does not require precision. It requires a window, and a schematic "roughly four decades before the destruction" still lands in the period in question. An argument that needed the year AD 30 exactly would be overbuilt, and this one does not. (c) The convergence with an independent tradition strengthens it. The Sanhedrin material uses the same forty-year figure for a different event, and that event, the loss of capital jurisdiction, has independent corroboration in John 18:31 and is discussed in the historical literature on its own terms.
MO2: "The Babylonian Talmud was redacted four or five centuries after these events. This is not contemporary testimony; it is a much later tradition about a lost world."
- Three responses. (a) The redaction date is real and is conceded. (b) The material is presented as baraita, that is, as tannaitic tradition predating the Mishnah's redaction, and it appears in both Talmuds, which points to circulation before the Babylonian compilation. That is an argument about the tradition's age, not a proof of it. (c) Late attestation of a self-damaging tradition is significant. The passage records a humiliating failure in the Temple's central rite, which is not the kind of story a tradition invents about itself. Its preservation is easier to explain if it was remembered than if it was fabricated.
MO3: "The rabbis attribute nothing to Jesus. They give no explanation at all, and you are supplying one they explicitly did not supply."
- Three responses. (a) Correct, and the page says so repeatedly. The Talmud reports and does not interpret. Supplying the interpretation is the Christian move and it must be labeled as such. (b) The absence of explanation is what gives the testimony its evidential character. A hostile source that reports a fact without seeing its significance is more valuable than one that argues a case. (c) The rabbis did offer a reason for the general decline elsewhere, attributing the destruction to sinat chinam, baseless hatred (b. Yoma 9b), which is a moral explanation of the catastrophe rather than an account of the ritual anomalies specifically.
MO4: "The crimson strap turning white is not in the Torah. Leviticus 16 knows nothing about it. You are treating a rabbinic legend as a divine sign."
- Three responses. (a) Entirely accurate and conceded. The whitening is a rabbinic tradition built on Isaiah 1:18, not a Levitical rite. (b) The argument does not require it to be a divine sign. It requires that the tradition recorded the practice, recorded its failure, and dated the failure. Whatever the strap was, the rabbis say it stopped doing what it had done. (c) The other three signs are on firmer ground. The lots are in Leviticus 16:8, the menorah lamps in Exodus 27:20-21 and Leviticus 24:2-4, and the sanctuary doors are physical objects.
MO5: "Josephus places his portents immediately before the war, not forty years earlier, and it is a different gate. Bringing him in is padding."
- Two responses. (a) The difference is real and is conceded in the concessions above. Josephus's gate portent is placed near the outbreak of the war and concerns the eastern gate of the inner court. (b) He is cited for a narrower purpose. His testimony establishes that reports of Temple portents in the final period circulated among Jews independently of the rabbinic corpus and were taken seriously by a first-century Jewish historian writing for a Roman audience. He corroborates the phenomenon type, not the specific tradition.
MO6: "This argument has been used for centuries to tell Jews that God rejected them, and no amount of careful framing changes what it does in practice."
- Three responses. (a) The history of misuse is real and it should be acknowledged before the argument is made, not after. (b) The framing is not decoration; it is a condition of the argument's use. This page states that AD 70 functions as a date rather than a verdict, that Jewish suffering is never treated as judgment, and that the argument should not be deployed at all if the tone is wrong. See Israel and the Church for the covenantal position, which rules out punitive supersessionism explicitly. (c) The Christian claim, correctly stated, is the opposite of abandonment. If the argument's suggestion is right, then the provision was made before the Temple fell, which is a claim about God supplying rather than withdrawing.
Premise 1, the four signs at Yoma 39b
Affirmative case
- The passage is explicit and enumerated. Four distinct phenomena, each named, each said to have persisted for forty years.
- It is presented as tannaitic tradition, introduced with the formula that marks baraita material.
- Each element has a documented ritual background. The lots at Leviticus 16:8 and m. Yoma 4:1; the crimson strap at m. Yoma 6:8 and b. Yoma 67a; the westernmost lamp in the menorah legislation; the doors as physical fixtures.
- The passage attaches Yochanan ben Zakkai's rebuke to the doors, which places the tradition in the generation of the destruction and treats the phenomenon as ominous.
- The report is self-damaging. A tradition recording that its central atonement rite showed adverse signs every year for four decades is not recording something flattering.
Anticipated objections
- "The forty-year detail may be a later editorial addition harmonizing several traditions."
- "The signs are portents of the coming destruction, which is how the passage itself frames them via Yochanan ben Zakkai. That is a complete explanation and it has nothing to do with Jesus."
- "Other Talmudic passages about the crimson strap suggest it sometimes failed for other reasons, so a continuous forty-year failure may be an exaggeration."
Rebuttals
- Possible, and it cannot be excluded. The premise claims what the received text says, and the received text says forty years. An editorial harmonization would still be a tradition recording an extended failure.
- This is the standard reading and it is not contested here. The rabbis do read the signs as portending the destruction, and that reading is coherent. The Christian observation is about the starting point rather than the endpoint: the portents are said to begin four decades before the event they portend, and the question is what happened at the start of that window.
- A fair caution. The tradition around the strap is discussed at b. Yoma 67a in ways that complicate a simple picture, and the argument should not overstate the uniformity of the practice or the record.
Premise 3, capital jurisdiction ended in the same window
Affirmative case
- b. Sanhedrin 41a states that forty years before the destruction the Sanhedrin was exiled from the Chamber of Hewn Stone.
- The Chamber was the seat of capital jurisdiction. The tradition ties the authority to try capital cases to the court's sitting in its place in the Temple.
- y. Sanhedrin 1:1 and 7:2 state directly that capital cases were taken from Israel forty years before the destruction.
- b. Rosh Hashanah 31b lists the Sanhedrin's successive relocations, beginning with the move from the Chamber.
- John 18:31 records the same situation from the other side: "It is not lawful for us to put any man to death." The statement has been challenged by critics as a Christian invention shifting blame to Rome, and the rabbinic sources support its accuracy independently.
Anticipated objections
- "The stoning of Stephen in Acts 7 and the execution of James reported by Josephus show that Jewish authorities did carry out executions in this period."
- "The rabbinic accounts of the Sanhedrin are idealized reconstructions written long after the institution ceased. Modern scholarship doubts much of the picture."
- "John 18:31 is a Christian text and using rabbinic material to prop it up is circular."
Rebuttals
- Both cases are real and neither is a formal judicial execution under normal jurisdiction. Stephen's death has the character of a lynching, and Josephus reports that the execution of James was carried out by the high priest Ananus during a gap between Roman procurators and that he was deposed for it precisely because he had convened the court without authority (Antiquities 20.9.1). The second case is direct evidence that the authority was not his to exercise.
- The scholarly caution is warranted and is accepted. Schürer's revised history and the subsequent literature treat the rabbinic Sanhedrin material carefully. The premise rests on a convergence of rabbinic report and Josephan incident rather than on the rabbinic reconstruction alone.
- The direction of support is the reverse of circular. John 18:31 is not being used to establish the rabbinic tradition. The rabbinic tradition and the Josephus episode are being used to test a Gospel claim that critics have called implausible, and they support it.
Live-cite kit
Jewish sources
- b. Yoma 39b, the four signs, quoted in full.
- m. Yoma 4:1 (the lots) and 6:8 (the crimson strap); b. Yoma 67a.
- y. Yoma 6:3 (43c), the parallel.
- b. Sanhedrin 41a; y. Sanhedrin 1:1 and 7:2; b. Rosh Hashanah 31b.
- b. Yoma 9b, the destruction attributed to baseless hatred.
Scripture
- Leviticus 16:8, the lots over the two goats.
- Isaiah 1:18, "though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow."
- Exodus 27:20-21 and Leviticus 24:2-4, the continual lamp.
- John 18:31, cited only when the Sanhedrin point is under discussion.
Historical
- Josephus, Jewish War 6.5.3 (§§288-309), the portents; Antiquities 20.9.1, the execution of James and the deposition of Ananus.
- Tacitus, Histories 5.13.
- Emil Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, rev. Vermes and Millar (T&T Clark, 1973 to 1987).
- Shaye J. D. Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah (Westminster John Knox, 2006).
- Alfred Edersheim, The Temple: Its Ministry and Services (1874), for the ritual background.
Aphorism
- "They wrote it down without knowing why. That is what makes it worth reading."
- "Forty years before the Temple fell. Count backwards."
- "I am not telling you what it means. I am asking whether you have read it."
Tactical notes
- Do not use this early. It requires trust, and trust in this conversation is built by the concessions in the other defeaters. Deployed cold, it sounds like a trap.
- State the disqualifying frame before the argument. "I am not going to tell you God abandoned anyone, and if that is where this is heading I would rather not make it." Say it first, and mean it.
- Ask them to read the passage. Have the reference, not the text. The argument lands very differently when the words come from their side of the table.
- Concede the schematic forty immediately. It is the first objection and volunteering it removes its force.
- Keep John 18:31 out until the Sanhedrin material is on the table, and introduce it as a claim being tested rather than as proof.
- Never pair this with anything about Jewish history after AD 70. No mention of exile, of persecution, of the modern state, of anything. The argument is about four decades in the first century and nothing else.
- Be willing to drop it. If the tone in the room is wrong, abandon the argument. It is the one piece of material in this cluster where the cost of misuse exceeds the value of a win.
- What NOT to defend: a precise chronology from the number forty; the crimson strap as a biblical rite; any claim that the Talmud is confessing; any framing in which AD 70 is a verdict.
See also
- Israel and the Church, the covenantal frame that rules out reading AD 70 as judgment.
- Blood Atonement Not Required Objection Defeater, on what happened to atonement when the altar ceased.
- Jesus Failed the Messianic Job Description Objection Defeater, where the Daniel 9:26 sequence constraint makes the parallel chronological argument.
- Rabbinic Sources Attest a Suffering Messiah Argument, the parallel argument from internal Jewish sources.
- Talmud Confirms the Execution of Jesus Argument, the other argument from hostile Jewish testimony.
- Atonement, the doctrine in view.
- The Jewish Defense, Judaism, and Counter-Missionary Movement, the cluster hubs.
Common questions this page answers
Q: What does the Talmud say about the forty years before the Temple's destruction?
The passage is at b. Yoma 39b: "Our Rabbis taught: During the last forty years before the destruction of the Temple the lot ['For the LORD'] did not come up in the right hand; nor did the crimson-coloured strap become white; nor did the westernmost light shine; and the doors of the Hekal would open by themselves, until R. Yohanan b. Zakkai rebuked them, saying: Hekal, Hekal, why wilt thou be the alarmer thyself?" Four ritual signs associated with the Day of Atonement are said to have failed continuously for the Temple's last four decades. The Jerusalem Talmud reports the crimson strap's failure independently at y. Yoma 6:3. The Temple was destroyed in AD 70, which places the beginning of the window around AD 30. The rabbis offer no explanation for why the signs failed, and they read them as portents of the coming destruction.
Q: What was the scarlet thread on Yom Kippur?
Mishnah Yoma 6:8 describes a strip of crimson wool used in connection with the scapegoat rite on the Day of Atonement, and the tradition held that it turned white when Israel's sins had been forgiven, an image drawn from Isaiah 1:18: "though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow." The whitening is discussed further at b. Yoma 67a. Two honest qualifications belong with any use of this: the strap and its whitening are a rabbinic tradition, not a rite legislated in Leviticus 16, and the Talmudic discussion of the practice is more complicated than a simple picture allows. What the sources record is that the tradition existed, that the whitening was regarded as a sign of accepted atonement, and that according to b. Yoma 39b it ceased to occur for the last forty years of the Temple.
Q: When did the Sanhedrin lose the power to execute?
The rabbinic sources place it in the same window. B. Sanhedrin 41a states that "forty years before the destruction of the Temple, the Sanhedrin was exiled" from the Chamber of Hewn Stone, and the Jerusalem Talmud at Sanhedrin 1:1 and 7:2 states directly that capital cases were taken away from Israel forty years before the destruction. Since the authority to try capital cases was tied to the court's sitting in its place in the Temple, the removal ended that jurisdiction. This corresponds to John 18:31, where the Jewish leaders tell Pilate "It is not lawful for us to put any man to death," a statement critics have called a Christian invention shifting blame to Rome, and which the rabbinic sources independently support. Josephus adds a confirming episode: the high priest Ananus convened a court and executed James during a gap between Roman procurators, and was deposed for exceeding his authority (Antiquities 20.9.1).
Q: Is this evidence that Jesus was the Messiah?
Not by itself, and any presentation that claims more than convergence is overbuilt. The Talmud offers no explanation for the failed signs, attributes nothing to Jesus, and reads the portents as warnings of the coming destruction. The number forty is schematic in Jewish literature and should not carry a precise chronology. The Babylonian Talmud reached its final form centuries after the events. What the argument observes is that a hostile source, with no motive to help the Christian case, records a sustained change in the Temple's central atonement ritual and the loss of Jewish capital jurisdiction beginning roughly four decades before AD 70, and that this window contains the ministry and execution of Jesus of Nazareth. The convergence is worth noticing. It is not a demonstration.
Q: Do non-Jewish sources report portents before the destruction of the Temple?
Yes. Josephus, writing as a Jew for a Roman readership, catalogues signs before the war at Jewish War 6.5.3: a star resembling a sword standing over the city, a light shining around the altar at the ninth hour of the night, and most strikingly "the eastern gate of the inner court of the Temple, which was of brass and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men... was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night," together with a voice heard in the sanctuary saying "Let us remove hence." Tacitus reports similar prodigies at Histories 5.13, including armies seen in the sky and a superhuman voice announcing that the gods were departing. Neither writer is Christian and neither depends on the rabbinic corpus. They should be cited carefully, because Josephus places his gate portent close to the outbreak of the war and describes a different gate from the one in the Talmudic passage. What they corroborate is the type of phenomenon and the seriousness with which it was reported, not the specific forty-year tradition.